Tuesday, February 26, 2013

Several Ways to Die in Mexico City An Autobiography Published by Feral House (October 2012) Reviews, interviews and excerpts: http://www.thedailybeast.com/articles/2012/10/14/this-week-s-hot-reads-oct-15-2012.html#hollander http://www.nyjournalofbooks.com/review/several-ways-die-mexico-city-autobiography-death-mexico-city http://redhen.org/losangelesreview/book-reviews/book-reviews-july-2013/#several http://bombsite.com/issues/1000/articles/7015 http://www.bookforum.com/interview/10640 http://www.theatlanticcities.com/jobs-and-economy/2012/11/when-your-city-killing-you/3877/ http://blog.colinmarshall.org/?p=1396 http://morbidanatomy.blogspot.mx/2013/02/holy-bones-from-book-several-ways-to.html http://www.huffingtonpost.com/kurt-hollander/mexico-citys-santa-muerte_b_2083611.html http://www.guernicamag.com/daily/kurt-hollander-several-ways-to-drink-in-mexico-city/ http://www.vice.com/es_mx/read/kurt-hollander http://www.frente.com.mx/kurt-hollander/

Saturday, June 4, 2011

A TRIP BACK TO MEXICO CITY'S NARCO MUSEUM

Three years ago I visited the Mexican army’s Museo de Enervantes (Narcotics Museum). At that time President Calderon had just started his drug war and the government was optimistic about ending Mexico’s narco problem quickly. The army, which had until then been mostly just a spectator of the drug war, began a full-frontal assault against traffickers throughout the country. As part of its daily activity, the army decommissioned shipments of illegal drugs and dismantled clandestine laboratories. Besides the drugs themselves, rifles, vehicles, agricultural and laboratory equipment, as well as personal items of the traffickers, were also confiscated. While (in theory) most of drugs were destroyed, many objects were kept as evidence. Some of these objects, especially the most extravagant and unique pieces, wound up in a very special museum that you will never visit.

Located on Military Industry Avenue, hidden away on the seventh floor of a fortified concrete bunker inside the central military compound in Mexico City, off-limits to all but military personnel and high-ranking police officers, this is one of the most high-security museums in the world. A unique concept when it was founded in 1985, it is no longer the only drug museum on the planet. In 2000, the DEA (Drug Enforcement Administration) created a drug museum inside its offices in Washington, D.C., since 2002 Myanmar has its Drug Elimination Museum, and China recently opened the doors to its Anti-Drug Museum. Unlike their Mexican counterpart, however, these museums are all designed for a general audience, a fact that fundamentally influences their curatorial approach to drugs and drug culture.

On a wall at the entrance to the Mexican Drug Museum, above some (perfectly legal) potted plants, hangs a dedication to all the soldiers who have “offered their lives in the line of duty” in Mexico’s war on drugs. The plaque lists the name and rank of each of the soldiers who have sacrificed their lives combating traffickers of controlled chemicals. Over the last few years, the number of fallen soldiers and officials who have had their name etched onto this metal plaque keeps climbing, with 2010 listing more than twice the number of deaths just three years ago.

Just inside the entrance, a new mural painted by a retired officer depicts soldiers in a poppy field bravely defending civilization as balls of fire fall from the sky. Although the museum is presented as a showcase of the military’s achievements in its war against drugs, in the first of the museum’s ten sections, World History of Drugs, it also faithfully documents the wide varieties of psychoactive substances that have existed in the country for thousands of years. In Mexico, indigenous priests and shamans utilized in their religious practices various hallucinogens and stimulants, including plants, weeds, flowers, cacti, mushrooms, tree bark and even toads. Recreational use of these substances was restricted for royalty only (Moctezuma was famous for his magic mushroom orgies) and unauthorized use was severely punished. One glass display case exhibits pre-Hispanic drug objects, including a pipe (used with tobacco), a hollowed-headed figurine in which peyote buttons were stored, and a knife used in religious rituals to remove still-beating hearts from sacrificial victims (both priests and the victims were usually tripping their brains out from a mix of hallucinogens and pulque). One fact that isn’t mentioned in the museum is how, after the Spaniards decimated the local population, destroyed their temples and pyramids and burnt all their books, they made a point of outlawing the consumption of all ‘drugs’ associated with pagan religious practices. The indigenous people who continued to supply the shamans and other religious practitioners with traditional psychoactive substances after the Conquest thus became the first narco traffickers in the Americas.

Although the Spaniards considered indigenous Mexicans as drug-addled pagans, marijuana was in fact first brought to Mexico by conquistadores. During WWII, the US actually helped Mexico produce opium to supply it with the morphine needed to treat its wounded soldiers, a practice that eventually led to the birth of the first Mexican drug cartels (also not mentioned within the museum).

During the last few decades, Mexico has become the largest exporter to the United States of marijuana, heroin and, most recently, methamphetamines, and is as well as the main point of entry for Colombian cocaine (an inflatable globe on display shows the main drug routes around the world with colored arrows). The United States sees its southern neighbor as the source of much of the problems that drugs are wreaking among its citizens, and the US government continually complains that Mexico is not enough to crackdown on narco traffickers. In fact, though, it is the use of these controlled chemicals within the United States, the largest consumer of illegal substances in the world, that is the reason why Mexican drug trafficking exists, and it is the US-made weapons, both those supplied by the US government, licensed arms dealers and the Texan gun shops that sell directly to narcos, that are responsible for much of the hyper-violence within Mexico these days.

As can be seen in the museum, although the drug trade is a multi-million dollar industry the local farmers supplying them still use rustic, hand-made equipment (such as homemade wooden knives to scrape the poppy bulbs, empty battery casings to receive the sap, and improvised water sprinklers made from scrap metal) for the cultivation of plants and the drugs’ extraction. In one elaborate installation in the museum, a peasant sits calmly, a rifle on his lap, a cigarette in his hand, a hat pulled down over his eyes, some simple food cooking on a rustic stove, giving the appearance of a typical campesino working in the fields. Upon closer inspection, however, the accoutrements of criminal activity become visible: the presence of a shortwave radio, a wolf trap, a board containing long rusty nails covered in human excrement (to infect the wound inflicted on unwary soldiers), and low-lying cables strung above the poppy and marijuana fields (stretching off into the painted horizon) designed to bring down spying helicopters.

As in the cultivation of the drugs, narcos tend to rely more on ingenuity than high-tech means to smuggle their products across the US border. As the photographs and objects in the exhibition bear witness, drugs can be concealed in almost anything, including dictionaries, concrete bricks, canned goods, quesadillas, tacos and donuts, dolls, a stuffed armadillo, a hot water heater, a surfboard, truck wheels, inside a framed painting of the Virgin of Guadalupe, and even inside women’s bodies (one photograph shows bags of cocaine that were concealed within a woman’s buttocks, while a female mannequin shows a mula who faked being pregnant). To illustrate the military’s strategy in the war on drugs, detailed dioramas of dramatic operations have tiny military action figures in armored vehicles, helicopters and high-speed boats battling narcos in poppy and marijuana fields, spraying fields with pesticide (represented by thin strips of plastic streaming down from a helicopter) or intercepting a large tractor-trailer transporting drugs.

What makes this drug museum different than all the others around the world is this museum’s willingness to show in detail the splendors of narco culture, rather than treating them just as faceless criminals or ignoring them completely (the other museums show only military or undercover police memorabilia). Within the section entitled Narco Culture, a dark-skinned, handsome male mannequin wearing a cowboy hat, cowboy boots and sunglasses displays the latest in narco fashion and bling accessories. Three years ago this same mannequin was dressed in a shirt decorated with a colorful cockfight, a belt buckle emblazoned with a cannabis leaf, and a gold chain with a skull and crossbones. The same mannequin now sports a snake-skin and leather vest, a shirt decorated with wild horses, a belt buckle with a rooster and several gold necklaces, one with a green marijuana leaf, and a diamond-studded, gold-plated cell phone.

This section also includes a real wooden door carved with the portrait of a narco, rifle in hand and marijuana leaves all around him, which opens up to reveal a wall painting of his ranch house’s Greek columns, glitzy chandeliers and bubbling fountain. Mexican outlaws tend to be very religious, though not always in Church-approved ways, as can be seen by the recreation of an altar to Jesus Malverde, the “generous bandit” who was hung by a wealthy landowner at the end of the 19th century and has recently become the preferred narco saint, and there is also a display case full of figures of La Santa Muerte and trolls. Hung on one wall are photographs of customized narco vehicles, including an armor-plated pick-up truck that fires smoke, tear gas, oil and tacks.

The most prized possessions of the museum collection, however, are the weapons. Several glass cases proudly display the silver and gold-plated and/or diamond-studded guns and rifles (AK-47s, of course) confiscated from some of the most important capos. The most recently acquired weapon is a cuerno de chivo confiscated from Comandante Amarillo, a leader of the Zetas, gold plated and customized with dragons and tigers. The exhibits in this section are surprisingly similar to the exhibitions in Mexico City’s Anthropology Museum that illustrate the daily life (clothes, jewelry) and work (tools, weapons) of indigenous cultures in Mexico. This reveals how those who created the museum viewed narcos as a legitimate, though marginal, social group with particular cultural characteristics worthy of study.

In order to keep the military and police officers that visit the museum abreast of the latest trends in consumer drug culture, the last part of the exhibition is dedicated to drug paraphernalia. Among all the pipes, rolling paper, and marijuana and LSD memorabilia is a copy of Antonio Escohotado’s encyclopedic Historia General de las Drogas (A General History of Drugs, still untranslated in English). Despite the book’s groovy psychedelic cover, it is, in fact, a well-documented indictment of drug wars throughout history, from ancient sacrifices of scapegoats and medieval witch hunts through the Spanish Inquisition and US Prohibition, and up to contemporary US drug hysteria. The book illustrates how socially-accepted psychoactive substances used for religious and medicinal purposes become persecuted as a pretext to debase traditional beliefs and cultures, monopolize the sale of substances, and justify governmental wars against it own citizens, an argument which tends to undermine the museum’s glorification of Mexico’s own war against drugs. Yet, despite its contradictions, by respectfully pay homage to a millennial tradition of drug use, as well as realistically depicting a unique outlaw culture, the Mexican Drug Museum captures much of this complex social phenomenon.

Although only minor changes have been made within the museum over the last few years, things have changed radically outside the walls of the museum, and this of course affects how the museum is perceived. Three years ago people in Mexico and abroad were fascinated by the style and eccentricities of Mexican narcos. They were seen as peoples’ heroes and the cutting edge of Mexican culture (they made popular the cult of Malverde, narco corridas and Mexican bling). Songs touting their exploits were composed and sung by some of the country’s most popular bands. Today, 35,000 narco-related deaths later, people’s perception of narcos has changed a bit. The war between rival cartels, exacerbated by political favoritism and the military’s incursion into narco territory, has completely changed the face of drug trafficking. After dozens of the musicians who sang the glories of narcos were brutally murdered, the radios stopped playing narco-corridas and they soon went out of fashion. Although narco culture is still coveted by cultural connoiseurs, and although people are fascinated by the huge sums of money generated and by the extreme measures taken to protect their profits, there are no particular narcos that people (at least those not on the narco payroll) hold in high esteem.

Over the past three years, The New York Times and El Pais (to use only two examples) employed full-time writers to report only and exclusively on narco violence and ran front-page news of narco violence practically ever day. After years of photos of ever-greater atrocities, people outside of Mexico have become either repulsed by or at least habituated to Mexican narco ultra-violence, and today narco news is almost nowhere to be seen within the major international news sources.

Within Mexico, however, the culture industry still owes much to narcos: the highest grossing films, novels, artwork and soap operas all deal with the drug trade, and local news is still mainly centered on narco activity. Many of these cultural works, though, seem out of step with the current reality, portraying a nostalgic, romanticized or merely comic view of narcos and their milieu, one that doesn’t coincides with the daily slaughter that an increasingly competitive drug trade demands.

Due in part to the brutal tactics now being employed to compete with rival gangs in an effort to control markets and smuggling routes and to escape detention by the military, narcos have become dehumanized within the media, devoid of any particular personality that is not related to violence. All the cultural subtleties and details that this museum has so carefully documented have been washed away by bloodshed. Perhaps that explains why the museum hasn’t been adding material and updating the documentation of narco culture, as the only data of interest these days is the body count on both sides of the war.

Friday, August 27, 2010

EDIBLE INSECTS IN MEXICO

[published in The Ecologist 8/10]

In Mexico, insects have been an integral part of people’s diet for thousands of years. When horses, wolly mammoths, camels, antelopes and other large mammals became extinct in Central Mexico around 7000 BC, people needed another steady source of protein. Insects fit the bill perfectly. The indigenous groups in Mexico had no word specifically for insects, instead referring to them as “the meat we eat.” When Europeans arrived in Mexico, although they deigned to consume certain edible insects, especially during Lent, in general these heavy meat eaters considered eating insects a barbaric, pagan practice and believed that creepy crawlers were the devil’s helpers.

And, yet, a case could be made that insects are man’s best friend and that humans couldn’t survive without them. Insects perform many of the basic functions necessary to maintain life on this planet, including recycling dead organic matter, creating topsoil suitable for plant life, and aiding plants in the pollination process. They also provide a plentiful source of food for animals and even humans. Within central and southern Mexico there are thousands of species of insects, about 500 of these fit for human consumption. Of these, almost 100 edible species are eaten and commercialized throughout the country, including grasshoppers, worms, ants, bees, butterflies, grubs, gnats, flies, mosquitoes, wasps and beetles, as well as their eggs, caterpillars and larvas.

Edible insects are an excellent source of protein, calcium, vitamins and minerals, and they even contain more healthy polyunsaturated fat than fish or fowl. One hundred grams of dried fly is made up of 54 grams of protein, almost 50 milligrams of iron and important quantities of essential amino acids and B vitamins. Stinkbugs have a high iodine content and are a good source of riboflavin and niacin. While only one-tenth of all food eaten by beef cattle is converted into meat, insects convert food to meat at a much higher rate and, as a result, offer more protein per pound than any bird or mammal. Grasshoppers provide twice as much protein as beef while a single earthworm provides the nutritional equivalent of 50 grams of meat.

Eating insects instead of animals could do great things not just for peoples’ diet and health but for the planet, too. Insects are infinitely less inexpensive to breed and harvest than animals, they are readily available almost everywhere on the planet (and thus very little fossil fuel is consumed to transport them to market), they don’t need to be refrigerated, they don’t lose their nutritional value even after being cooked or when dried out, and they need no added chemicals or machinery to reproduce or grow. In addition, insects are blessed with the ability to reproduce way faster even than rabbits. A female cricket can lay up to 1,500 eggs in one month, termites lay over thirty thousand eggs a day, while ants can pump out over three hundred thousand a day. All of this makes insects the ‘greenest’ meat on the planet.

Being that insects have been around so long, are so well adapted to life on earth, have such short life spans and reproduce so often and in such great numbers, all species of insects should be positively flourishing. Unfortunately, this is not the case with edible insects in Mexico, where the numbers of the most commonly consumed insects are dropping like flies. Several dozens species of edible insects in Mexico could be threatened with extinction if forests continue to be converted into timber and are paved over by urban sprawl, and if lakes continue to be polluted, over-exploited and dried out.

Perhaps the greatest current risk to the survival of several species of edible insects, however, is the rising popularity of insects among fine diners. Dr. Ramos Elorduy, one of the world’s foremost expert on edible insects and a researcher at the Biology Institute of the UNAM in Mexico City, is the author of Creepy Crawly Cuisine: The Gourmet Guide to Edible Insects, published in 1998. Although she is still a staunch promoter of insects as food, Dr. Ramos Elorduy has seen first hand how certain species have become depleted over the years due to food trends.“Sales of edible insects, both in Mexico and internationally, are continually increasing. In major cities around the world, including Tokyo, Sydney, NYC and Hong Kong, insects are commercialized by Japanese or US companies who buy them for pennies in Mexico and elsewhere and sell them for dollars in gourmet stores or five-star restaurants.”

The success of these fat, juicy insects at the dinner table, however, is thinning out the ranks of edible insects in the field. Due to the scarcity of the most-valued insects, less succulent species are now often being substituted, with a loss of taste, texture and nutritional value. Even when you get the insect you pay for, its integrity is often compromised before it reaches your plate. Besides threatening their survival, the widespread use of herbicides and pesticides, as well as a steady diet of pollution and human waste, load insects down with a heavy burden of toxic chemicals. The presence of lead and other toxins in edible insects makes eating them a risk and has made exporting them more difficult. Lead levels in some grasshoppers have been found to contain as much as one hundred times the maximum recommended dose of lead for young children and pregnant women.

To ensure clean, toxic-free grasshoppers for human consumption, Dr. Ramos Elorduy has developed a patented, toxic-free breeding method for grasshoppers which she hopes one day will be adopted as a standard insect breeding environment. As she points out, in order to preserve the hundreds of species of edible insects, in order to produce enough healthy edible insects to feed increasingly larger populations of people, ancient traditions and innovative technology will have to come together with fair trade and environmentally progressive strategies.


INSECT MENU

Chapulines (grasshoppers) are perhaps the most common edible insect in Mexico. They are hunted mostly in alfalfa fields with the use of long nets. In Oaxaca, grasshoppers are so common they are nibbled as finger food at baseball games and as a salty snack in cantinas, with lemon and chile often sprinkled onto them, and even come served as a topping on pizza.

Gusanos de maguey pop up on the menu in many up-scale restaurants. These gusanos are not actually worms but rather butterfly larva. In the state of Hidalgo, from September to January, these gusanos are so common they are sold alongside the highway in plastic bags. Maguey plants, often confused with cactii, not only give shelter and sustenance to this larva, they also provide the precious sap that is made into pulque, tequila and mezcal. These gusanos de maguey are the insect that floats on the bottom of mezcal bottles (Mexicans usually don’t swallow it, gringos do), and are often ground up and added to powdered chile to accompany shots.

Chinicuiles, or red maguey worms, are a different butterly larva that live in the roots of the same plant. They tend to be smaller and are considered less of a delicacy than the white worms. Both are often wrapped in leaves of the plant and cooked over coals or on a comal. Other butterfly larva that live in corn stalks, mezquite, or several other varieties of trees (including the one that gives the chia seeds), are also edible, and the larva that reside in cedar trees are very large, and just a couple of them are enough to fill up a taco.

Escamoles, the larvae of giant black ants harvested from the roots of magueys, are considered a delicacy and are often referred to as insect caviar. The larva are white little balls with the consistency of coagulated milk that melt in your mouth like butter (in which are their normally fried).

Flying red ants called chicatanas swarm onto lampposts and electrical posts in the state of Guerrero during the month of June, falling to the ground as they die. People pick them up off the street, bring them home and grill them. Once cooked they can last for months. In certain areas of Veracruz, people use the abdomens of these large ants to give their salsa a little extra texture.

Axayácatl, a water fly known as boatmen, are caught in nets thrown over lakes and are usually eaten fried. Their eggs, called ahuautle, are an even more prized catch. The Aztec Emperor Montezuma was brought freshly caught ahuautle daily for his breakfast, while people today usually eat them cooked in egg batter or fried, and also in tamales and mixiotes, and used instead of breadcrumbs for tortas.

Jumiles and chumiles are stinkbugs found mostly in the state of Guerrero, where they are used as an ingredient in salsas and are eaten in tacos, often still alive.

Chicatanas, black reproductive ants mostly found in Guerrero, which curl up into little armored balls. Most expensive of all insects due to the fact that they are only available for a few weeks a year, in November. In addition, people in Mexico also have a long tradition of eating fleas, butterflies, dragonflies, mosquitoes, flies and lice, though these don’t pop up on many menus.

Sunday, January 31, 2010

MEXICAN BEAUTY

[unpublished article]

Beauty in Mexico goes much deeper than the skin. To begin with, the image of beauty displayed on television, in ads and throughout the pages of glossy magazines in Mexico tends to be tall and thin, fine-featured, light-skinned and blond. Taking advantage of the fact that the vast majority of women in Mexico have indigenous blood running through their veins and thus dark skin, hair and eyes, multinational corporations make millions of dollars each year offering Mexican women the opportunity for an extreme cultural make-over, with skin creams that whiten, hair dyes that lighten and contacts lenses that brighten.

A sizable chunk of women’s income in Mexico City is invested in beauty treatments and products. Although imported beauty products can be more expensive by weight than gold powder, there are also thousands of cheap locally produced or imported beauty products sold in neighborhood markets, inside the metro stations or in street stalls. These products tend to contain much higher levels of toxic ingredients than costly imported products, and some are never even tested on animals or humans. The long-term use of heavy doses of cheap foundation, mascara, lipstick or hair dye can lead to the absorption through the skin of high levels of toxic substances, especially lead. In addition to threatening their own health, the hundreds of thousands of dyed blondes and painted beauties in the city are responsible for heavy doses of toxic chemicals dumped into the air and water supply, chemicals that eventually reenter humans’ bodies as microscopic particles.

Mexico City’s dangerously high levels of pollution, aggressive parasites in the food and water, and constant stress all do their part to drain people of the life force that makes them beautiful. If health is beauty, then the quality of substances people put into their own bodies is more important than what they smear onto their skin or gob onto their eyes lids. A culture's diet shapes local concepts of beauty. The modern Mexican diet of imported junk and processed food, rich in the four basic food categories of fat, sugar, nicotine and alcohol, pumps up women's bodies, and although love-handles and cellulitis are many a woman's worst enemies, Mexican men consider these extra curves as added attractions.

The fact that, added to a poor diet, almost half of the population does no exercise at all is responsible for the fact that Mexico has the second highest level of obesity after the USA. Not coincidentally, after the USA Mexico is second in the world in terms of cosmetic surgery. Cosmetic surgery, like magic products or religion, is consumed in the belief that it will help women find a lover, solve marital problems, cure depression and help get a better job. The most common surgical interventions in Mexico City are nose jobs, breast and butt implants, as well as the removal and/or introduction of fat into various parts of the body.

To help women fulfill their dreams, one bank in Mexico City offered loans of up to $25,000 USD at 24% interest for desperate housewives and aspiring models to undergo cosmetic surgery. Wealthy women in Mexico City often fly to the United States for surgery, and one Mexican airline recently offered an all-inclusive package that included round trip flights from Mexico City to San Antonio, Texas, hotel, and medical procedures in the Methodist Healthcare System at the hands of bilingual doctors. The trip includes an extra couple of days to relax and shop at local malls until the bandages come off.

Women unable to afford costly surgery within Mexico or in the States have lots of cheaper options in their own neighborhood. Besides the many certified surgeons, there are thousands of unlicensed, untrained doctors within the city who tend to gravitate to cosmetic surgery and weight loss, some of whom advertise on hand-painted signs hung on trees or lampposts. To keep costs affordable, pirated products are often used, such as breast implants imported illegally from China. The cheap materials increase risks of infection and disease, as well as the probability of the body’s rejection of the foreign matter. This same dangerous disregard for women’s bodies can be found in the Mexican drug smuggling industry, where women are coerced into swallowing or stuffing bags of coke into various bodily cavities, or using their breasts and butts as virtual suitcases.

Adding curves to women’s bodies is a common practice in Mexico City, with women’s buttocks representing around half of these interventions, followed by breasts, legs, thighs and hips. The most common liquids injected into women in Mexico are paraffin and silicon, but even cheaper liquids, such as baby, vegetable and car oils, are often used. Many of the people who inject these chemicals into women’s bodies are not doctors, licensed or unlicensed, but rather housewives or neighbors looking to supplement their income. Although the curves tend to melt eventually, thus demanding regular follow-up injections, side effects such as pain, lumps, skin thickening, hyper-pigmentation, vein and arterial malformations, inflammation and arthritis often become chronic, and the accumulation of these and other substances in the body over time can cause death from blood poisoning.

Women in all cultures have always paid highly for their good looks, but in Mexico these days the expression “looks that kill” refers more to the health costs women must pay than to any display of beauty.

Wednesday, September 2, 2009

MOCTEZUMA’S REVENGE

[unpublished article]

When the Spanish conquistadores landed in the New World, they came into contact with not only indigenous people but also indigenous microorganisms, including those responsible for syphilis, malaria, warts and intestinal problems. Due to the wars the Spaniards had waged throughout Europe and Africa, the conquistadores were more resistant to new microorganisms and so only a few died from diseases caused by contact with these American strains. Being that Mexico had had no contact with Europe before the conquistadores arrived, the Old World microbes responsible for colds, flu, diphtheria, bubonic plague, leprosy, typhoid fever, scarlet fever and yellow fever decimated as much as 90% of the indigenous population according to some accounts. More than any weapon or technology, viruses paved the way for the conquest of Mexico-Tenochtitlan, the mighty Aztec nation, and the establishment of what is today Mexico. While the full-scale extermination of the indigenous people by imported viruses has largely been forgotten, Moctezuma’s Revenge, a colloquial term for the stomach problems that tourists often experience when they come into contact with Mexican microorganisms, is something every foreigner knows and fears.

In the past couple of weeks, Mexico has been accused of being responsible for a new, particularly virulent virus that has spread to the US, and many people in the US media have clamored for the closing of the border. This is nothing new. Over the centuries, the USA has constantly accused Mexico of being the source of some of its greatest problems, including illegal immigration, drug trafficking and epidemics, all considered serious threats to the existence of the American way of life. But, really, who’s infecting who?

It is quite possible that this latest virus was born in Granjas Carroll, a subsidiary of Smithfield Foods, the world’s largest multinational porcine company. On a small strip of land in tropical Veracruz, one million pigs are packed tightly together, force-fed antibiotics, hormones (some of which are illegal in the USA) and genetically-modified corn. The toxic waste created by the massive quantity of pig shit and diseased carcasses, added to the chemical cocktails injected into the animals, provides just the right environment for viruses to mutate. Even if it turns out that the virus, originally dubbed swine flu and then changed to A H1N1, didn’t originate in this pig farm, this multinational company’s impact on the health of the local people, half of who now suffer from respiratory illnesses, and on the now-contaminated local environment, has been devastating.

Since the North American Free Trade Agreement went into full effect, multinational companies based in the US have been transforming the Mexican economy to such an extent that Mexico is now a consumer of other countries’ culture. Half of all the food eaten in Mexico today comes from the US. The processed, sugar and fat-saturated, genetically-modified imported food being sold throughout the country has profoundly transformed the local diet and has turned Mexico into the fattest nation after the USA, which in turn has increased the rates of diabetes (also second only to the USA) and heart and circulatory diseases.

Not only are US and multinational corporations responsible for Mexico’s new diet, they are also responsible for treating the illnesses this diet helps create. Multinational pharmaceutical companies profit from the unchecked consumption of antibiotics and other potentially harmful drugs in Mexico, where doctors regularly prescribe antibiotics for cold symptoms and people tend to self-medicate (most prescription drugs are available in pharmacies without a prescription). Due in part to this indiscriminate use of antibiotics, as well as the consumption of foods that are genetically modified to contain antibiotics as part of their new gene structure, 16% of the Mexican population currently suffers from asthma and almost 20% from allergic rhinitis, thus creating additional profit potential for the drug companies. Many of the drugs designed to kill off bacteria, parasites and viruses tend to put increased pressure on these microorganisms to mutate while at the same time weakening an individual’s autoimmune system. Based on the scant information coming from the local authorities, it seems as if many of the people who died in Mexico after contact with the virus were already chronically ill (many with diabetes).

The dominance of US and multinational franchises in Mexico was well illustrated during the epidemic. The fear and hysteria generated by the Mexican government at the behest of world health organizations kept everyone shut inside their homes to protect against an invisible enemy, and only ‘essential’ businesses were allowed to open in Mexico City. The ‘essential’ businesses that most profited from this virus, besides the phamaceutical companies, were Walmart, Costco, 7/11, Domino’s Pizza and Blockbuster Video, all purveyors of the American Way of Life, that is, convenience consumerism.

Up until the epidemic, Mexico City was considered one of the ten wealthiest cities in the world in terms of production and level of consumption (the virus will have changed that soon enough). At the same time, out of over 200 cities, Mexico Ctiy was ranked amongst the bottom five in terms of quality of life based upon cost and availability of health care, infectious disease, environmental pollution, garbage removal, water quality and harmful parasites, all of which serve to help incubate deadly new viruses and deplete people’s immune system. The recent increase in government military spending to fight the ‘epidemic’ of narco-violence, dictated by the US in its Merida Plan as a way to monopolize arms sales, added to the recent financial crisis imported from the US, has meant an even greater decrease in social spending, especially in the public health sector. The sad state of Mexico’s public health sector, which services the lowest strata of society, contributes to the fact that people infected with this new virus have been dying in Mexico while surviving elsewhere.

Viruses are among the simplest organisms around, mere genetic material wrapped in a membrane, and yet they are among the most resilient and deadly. Viruses enter into foreign bodies, inject their own genetic material into their host and convert them into breeders that replicate and distribute the virus. By the same token, US and multinational franchises in Mexico, such as Starbucks, import identical chains to foreign countries, transforming the local culture in their own image and draining the country of resources. Pumping up humans with antibiotics and other medicines that substitute for the normal functioning of their immune system, while at the same time debilitating them with a poor, unhealthy diet, is an ideal way to make people prone to future illnesses and drug-dependency. Pumping up a developing economy with loans and supplanting local products with imported ones is a sure way to weaken an economy and its future autonomy. After the A H1N1 virus has come and gone, Mexico will have lost even more economic and cultural self-sufficiency, while the USA will have been troubled only by a slight case of Moctezuma’s Revenge, perhaps even of its own making.

Saturday, May 9, 2009

MASK HYSTERIA

[published in Salon.Com 5/09]

Mexico City is currently enjoying a stretch of beautifully clear, hot days, and the city streets are wonderfully clean and quiet. The schools, movie theaters and sports stadiums are all closed, as are most of the restaurants and local businesses. Less cars circulate around the city and the Metro and city buses are uncharacteristically uncrowded. The only thing that indicates that this is no holiday, however, are the kind of masks most people are wearing.

Mexico City has been ground zero for the latest swine flu pandemic. It is the city where the most people have been infected by this deadly virus and where the most people have also already died from it. One of the world’s most populated and most densely packed urban areas, the city is a perfect petri dish for cultivating viruses. Physically sealed off from the rest of the world by a ring of volcanic mountains, Mexico City is becoming increasingly isolated as more and more countries are halting flights in and out of the city and chilangos (residents of Mexico City) are no longer welcome in hotels and resorts in other parts of the country. Even if chilangos aren’t traveling outside the country so much these day, images of the city continue to appear on the front pages of newspapers and during primetime newscasts all over the globe. The images shown, inevitably, are of people in Mexico City wearing masks.

Mexicans are known throughout the world by the masks they wear. The Aztecs are best known for their tourquoise or obsidian masks in the shape of hybrid animals or death skulls, and variations of these masks are still used in indigenous and regional festivals all over the country, with masks of devils and skeletons being the most common. Octavio Paz, Mexico’s most famous poet, claimed that the national identity was defined by the masks the people wear, both the festive ones as well as the social ones (smiles that hide hatred, cheerfulness that hides loneliness, etc). Lucha libre masks are one the most identifiable export icons of Mexican culture, while the Zapatista mask, worn by a group of indigenous insurgents in Chiapas, became a universal symbol for social protest. The bandanas used to cover protestors´ faces during the most violent student and worker confrontations over the last few years are a much-needed disguise to keep police from identifying them and jailing them and their whole family.

Along with disease and masks, epidemics leads to viral expansion of conspiracy theories on the web that no or filter can stop. Due to the conflicting facts and figures announced, most people in Mexico doubt the official version and are thus ready to believe just about anything. One credible theory currently floating around the city is that the unhealthy conditions created by a million pigs living in industrial farms run by the world’s largest multinational pig breeder in the state Veracruz gave birth to this new strain of swine flu. The company had already been accused of polluting the local lagoons, half the town suffered from respiratory illnesses months before the outbreak, and the first person to have contracted this new strain of virus was child from this town. Others believe that the CIA, still controlled by the Bush clan, planted a weapon-grade virus in Mexico City to test its effectiveness, divert attention from possible indictments of high-level officials involved in torture in Guantánamo, generate healthy profits for multinational pharmaceutical companies of which Bush’s cronies are major stockholders, and ruin Mexico´s economy so much that the bailout loans come with a rider demanding the privatization of its oil industry. It wouldn’t be too much of a stretch of the imagination to imagine the outbreak of this deadly virus at the moment it happened as an elaborate plot to assasinate President Obama, as he was given a private tour of the anthropology museum by a man who died of a suspicious case of pneumonia the following day.

Today, with a deadly virus floating around the city and no one really knowing where it came from and how much damage it is doing, chilangos cling to their masks as if their life depended on it. The intimate, physical greetings that characterized contact between Mexicans, including lots of body hugs and cheek kissing, have already been sacrificed, and chilangos now remain hidden and isolated behind thin masks. Fear of invisible enemies has reached such a point that many people even wear masks while they drive by themselves in their car with the windows down, while others wear them at home alone. With so much mask hysteria, these masks have long been sold-out in all pharmacies and stores. Along with flu vaccines, anti-viral medicine, antihistamines, antibiotics and any medicine that treats flu symptoms and which people throughout the city are using to self-medicate in this time of crisis, the manufacturing of masks will be one of the few profitable businesses within the city this season.

To most people in Mexico City, these face masks are seen as the last line of defense. The only problem, however, is that the masks don’t protect against this swine flu, or any other flu for that matter, as airborne viruses, being microscopic, can easily pass through paper or cloth masks. If this information gets out it could cause widespread panic within the city, unless people were also told that, in fact, viruses can only survive in the air a couple of seconds, and it would take a direct hit from a sneeze to infect someone else. So, in the end, the ubiquitous face masks that have come to define the image of this new deadly disease are at best mere fashion accessories, and at worst, when not disposed of properly, a perfect source of infection as viruses do survive up to two days on objects or surfaces.

The Mexican Center for Epidemic and Disease Control is well aware of the limitations of masks, and no one in their offices even bothers to wear them (as one reporter from El Pais recently discovered). Nonetheless, the Mexican government has handed out millions of face masks in an effort to make people feel they are protected and to keep them calm (violent people in masks are the government’s number one nightmare). Perhaps, though, this misinformation is a good thing, for without the masks, without any visible image of the possibility of being infected and dying, people wouldn’t take the epidemic seriously and wouldn’t follow other preventive procedures. Even if most people in Mexico City knew that their masks were mere props, though, many of them would probably still wear them, as mask culture has always been an essential part of life, and death, in Mexico City.

Sunday, March 29, 2009

EATING OUT IN THE CONDESA

[published in the London Guardian Weekly 3/09]

Every weekend, young American and European tourists, corporate workers and students, as well as locals with disposable income, flock to Mexico City’s trendy Condesa neighborhood to eat out in any one of the dozens of bistros, trattorias or Asian fusion restaurants concentrated within a few city blocks. The rise in international dining options in what had long been a very traditional food scene reflects not so much an evolution of taste buds as the radical transformation of the food industry within Mexico. Since the North American Free Trade Agreement went into full effect, half of all food eaten in Mexico is now grown in the USA, and most of the ingredients used to concoct these exotic dishes are US imports sold in Walmart and Costoco mega-stores throughout the city.

Delicious, healthy, inexpensive food that doesn’t displace local crops, however, can still be enjoyed in the Condesa, though you’ll have a hard time finding it in any international restaurant or gourmet shop. The greatest variety of such food, much of which harkens back to indigenous cooking developed long before any European set foot in the city, is to be found on the street. Yet, most of the foreigners and locals who flock into the Condesa for a noisy, crowded dining experience shy away from street food, in part from fear of parasites. Aggressive microorganisms are a real risk when eating food from the street, as street stands lack running water and the food prepared and displayed outside tends to absorb floating particles of dubious origin. However, as the local government does not enforce proper food handling within restaurants, the risk of infection is just as great indoors as out.

It is not just the food served but also the outsider architecture of the street stalls that gives the experience of eating on the street such a unique Mexican flavor. Traditional ‘markets-on-wheels’ set up their stalls on different streets each day within the neighborhood, offering not just fresh produce and raw fish but also stands that sell seafood cocktails and deep-fried foods. Pushcarts with glass display cases roam the neighborhood offering plastic cups chock full of sliced mango, papaya and other native fruits, with lemon and chile powder sprinkled on top. Fried plantains and camotes (sweet potatoes) are sold from a metal tub mounted on a three-wheel pushcart, a home-made portable steam table that resembles a steam engine (announcing its arrival with an earsplitting steam whistle). An oversized tricycle with a flatbed rigged to the front crisscrosses the neighborhood selling Oaxacan-style tamales (stuffed with chicken in mole or tomato sauce and wrapped in banana leaves), calling to potential clients by means of a portable loudspeaker hooked up to a tape-recorded loop. Once a week a pickup truck parks in front of Parque Mexico, its cab overflowing with goods brought in from Oaxaca, including corn tostadas, various flavors of solid mole, and bags of large, crunchy grasshoppers.

Some street stands have been located on the same sidewalk spot for years, outlasting most of the neighborhood’s trendy restaurants. Every weekend in front of the Nuestra Señora de Lima Church you can nibble on corn nibblets scooped from a large gas-heated pot or chomp on a corn-on-the-cob smothered with mayonaisse, lemon, chile and crumbled cheese. The quesadilla stand that sets up in front of a US-owned convenience store is manned by a stout woman fanning the flames of a coal stove, spooning fillings such as beans, squash flowers and nopales from plastic Tupperware tubs into tortillas and flipping the quesadillas on a cast iron pan.

Even though they operate out of a commercial space so small only the kitchen and counter fit indoors, Tacos Hola (known to locals as El Güero) shares much more with traditional Mexican street food than it does with the glut of international restaurants that have popped up all around it. El Güero serves tacos stuffed with daily stewed specials scooped up from large ceramic pots, ladled onto fresh tortillas and served with pinto beans, guacamole and green chile sauce. These tacos bear no relation to the hard, tasteless Taco Bell tacos or to the dry meat tacos sold by local chains in the neighborhood. The wide range of stewed meat fillings, such as fried pigskin and blood sausage, are the culinary legacy of the first Spaniards to settle here, while the vegetarian options, including rajas, squash and quelite (a cross between an herb and a shrub), have been common fare since long before the Aztecs moved into the Mexico City Valley.

El Güero has been serving tacos to people willing to stand and eat them on the sidewalk for over four decades. Due to the unchecked expansion of the neighborhood’s commercial culinary makeover, rising rents are forcing smaller locales to sell out to more luxury-oriented businesses. Even the cult status of El Güero (they’re in Facebook as Tacos Hola) might not be sufficient to ensure the survival of its space, currently squeezed between a corner café and a new luxury condo, and caddy-corner from a Walmart-owned supermarket chain.

In the Condesa, radically different economies, cultures and cuisine overlap, though the coexistence is far from peaceful, as there are large commercial interests struggling to dominate people’s taste buds. If it’s true that you are what you eat, then what people eat when they eat out in the Condesa helps define the future of the culture of Mexico.

Tuesday, December 16, 2008

NOISE

[published in the London Guardian Weekly in 2007]

I am very sensitive to noise. When I went to an ear doctor to see if I had hearing problems, he told me I have a musician’s ear. I wasn’t quite sure, though, if he meant I had the subtle sensibility of a classical musician or the battered eardrums of an aging rocker.

I have three sons. I came to realize that the noises my kids made as babies were exquisitely designed to grate on my ears and to make me unable to ignore their cries at all hours of the night (just like the car alarms and emergency sirens that use the same sonic techniques). As my boys grow and near their teenage years (the loudest stage of human development), I marvel at how their noise-making abilities also evolve, especially with the aid of video games, CD players and electric guitars.

I live in a very quiet neighborhood in Mexico City. It’s so quiet I can hear every noise outside my house. If it’s true that true silence can best be experienced after a gun is fired, then the way to hear noise in its true form is to be immersed in silence.

As my neighborhood is currently experiencing a real estate boom, houses all around mine are currently under renovation, contributing a constant (or what’s worse, an intermittent) hammering of metal on metal. As part of this urban transformation, restaurants and bars are opening on every corner of my street, their small, cube-like spaces acting as a reverb chamber to the late-night music and carousing. Kids flood into the neighborhood every weekend to drink themselves stupid, which means drunk grunting and shrill laughter and bottles being smashed under my bedroom window.

On the mornings after these late night auditory intrusions my street is visited by knife grinders, water and gas vendors, garbage men and baked sweet potato and banana vendors who pride themselves on their flute-like instruments, incomprehensible shouts, fierce clanging bells and steam-driven whistles that alert the residents of their presence. Each of these sounds are sonorous blasts with long histories within the city, some even from a pre-Hispanic past, but up close they are ear-splitting.

The kind of noise a city generates tells you a lot about the priorities of a culture. In Mexico City, noise is respected, as it usually signifies commerce or celebration, both of which are the foundation of society. For hundreds of years, people have been loudly hawking their wares on city streets, in stores and even in the Metro. In the markets, a symphony of shouts can be heard with separate choruses organized around different fruits and vegetables. National holidays and celebrations are all about crowds, alcohol, fireworks, music and shouting. El Grito (The Scream) is the public act that commemorates Mexico’s independence from Spain, a celebration in which one million people packed into the city’s largest plaza all scream “Viva Mexico” again and again at the top of their lungs.

Fun is often equated with the noise level of social gatherings, and even family parties in patios are always accompanied by mega sound systems blasting the latest in pop or polkas, even if there’s only a couple of old grannies still sitting there. Soccer games and lucha libre matches are scream fests where the whole family is encouraged to yell out curses and taunts to their heart’s content. An important part of being macho is being able to generate high levels of noise (by singing, shouting or sobbing out loud). The phrase “to make noise” (hacer ruido) also means to become famous or successful.

In New York City, where my family and I vacationed this past summer, noise sounds different. Each weekday morning at 7 am we were awakened by huge, powerful pile drivers burying girders into the earth in a construction site across the street from where we were staying. In Mexico, technology has yet to displace the majority of the workforce, and so lots of people hammering away are much more common than huge machines like the ones that were shaking our building with a series of mini-earthquakes.

New York, the modern city whose street noise has inspired countless composers and musicians over the centuries, is home to both extreme levels of noise and extremely noise-conscious people. A friend of mine invited us over to his apartment in an upscale residential neighborhood in Brooklyn for a rooftop barbeque. My friend, who gets flown all over the world and paid money to generate artful noises with his guitar, recently moved into his co-op building without realizing the kind of nightmare he was getting into, in which people are suing their neighbors over the noise they make walking up and down the communal stairwell.

Noise annoys, and it is commonly considered pollution, inefficiency and an assault upon reason. The German philosopher Arthur Schopenhauer complained long and loud about the noise produced by the drivers of horse-drawn carts who would crack their whips as they passed by his house, a sound that he believed “murders thought.” (Although whining about horse whips might seem quaint and old-fashioned, a snapped whip creates a sonic boom, and the horse whip is actually the first man-made object to ever break the sound barrier.)

Noise, though, can also be an artistic aesthetic, especially in the world of music. Urban music (including many of the styles that have come out of the city of New York, such as salsa, punk, hip hop and the bang-on-a-can school of music making) has long been the stage for each epoch’s most modern sensibility, as well as the object of each epoch’s most bitter bitching, with new music inevitably presenting itself to older generations as strident noise. Since the onset of electronic music, the generation of new forms of noise has been driving the evolution of musical forms, and with digital technology, noises such as scratches, clicks and street sounds, as well as sub- and super-sonic vibrations, are constantly being used to expand the outer reaches of sonic space.

Noise is also a form of communication, as my sons, who had never been exposed to very much Brooklynese before, learned while listening to the other kids in their YMCA camp constantly yelling yo! at each other, a word/noise that means nothing but works well at getting people’s attention. Noise also helps animals (and people) to stand out in a crowd, an important function during mating season. Noise can also serve as a useful form of self-defense (which is how people who ride loud motorcycles tend to justify the noise they make). Noise, often in the form of prolonged exposure to loud rock and roll or rap music, has been proven to be an effective weapon during wartime, helping pump up a soldier’s adrenaline level and rattling the morale of enemy troops. Oddly enough, to combat noise at home and in offices, people often use white noise, a mix of most frequencies of sound waves that together create a wall of noise.

Although it shakes my nerves and rattles my brain, I realize that in order to understand cultural differences, to keep up with tecnological transformations, to get the feel of a city, and to be able to communicate with my sons, I must welcome noise into my system and embrace its liberating, future-forging force.

Tuesday, November 25, 2008

REQUIEM FOR A MORGUE

[published in the London Guardian Weekly in 2006]

All those who have entered through the front door in the city’s morgue, that is to say, the living, have passed by the monumental statue of Cuatlicue, the Aztec goddess of the earth, life and death, which stands guard outside the building. Her head and skirt are made from snakes, and she wears a skull upon her belt so that everyone will understand that death is a central part of life. Cuatlicue died by her own hand. Had she lived in our time, her suicide would have landed her in this building, although through the rear entrance.

The city morgue first opened its doors in 1960 to the dead of Mexico City. Before this, the morgue was located in a chapel behind the graveyard of a hospital. Renowned doctors and generals of the army performed the autopsies, and the place was reputed to reek for miles around.

Seen from outside, the building, based on the New York city morgue building, is a squat, square, unassuming building. Inside, the fluorescent lighting, the long, narrow hallways, the small rooms and the white tiles on the walls make the place look like a public elementary school. (In fact, there are classes held on the top floor for postgraduate students in Medicine and Law). It is a three-story building with a basement large enough to hold up to 70 corpses, although the bodies are mostly kept in the metal cabinets on the second floor.

All violent or sudden deaths in Mexico City end up here in the city morgue. Last year 5,500 corpses were brought in, an average of over 15 bodies a day. The number one cause of death in Mexico City in 2004 was traffic accidents, followed by homicides, accidents in the home, suicides, and accidents in other places (there were more deaths in public bath houses than in schools, for example). The number of men who were killed in homicides or in traffic accidents was three times that of women. The most common homicide is during a hold-up or robbery, followed by fights brought about by insults, and Sunday is the day with the most activity. For suicides, men represent five times more deaths than women, and by far the most frequent cause is depression. Asphyxiation is the preferred method of suicide, followed by the use of weapons, and the most common place is in a home or in a hospital. Men die in accidents in public places fifteen times more often than women. Traffic accidents, homicides and suicides occur most often in men between 20 and 30 years old who are married, employed and have attended school at least through junior high (not a single person with a postgraduate degree died in 2004).

In the last four years, the number of homicides in Mexico City has remained constant (about 1,000 a year), suicides oscillate between 400 and 600 yearly, traffic accidents and accidents in the home have gone down slightly, while natural deaths have decreased by 30%.

Most corpses arrive at the morgue at night. They are brought directly to the amphitheater to be identified. If they have no ID, they undergo genetic, dental and fingerprint examines and the results are checked against criminal records.

During the autopsy each body reveals the story of its own death to those who know how to read it. The body is examined, and all the stains, bleeding and belongings are described before the body is washed. Afterwards, photographs are taken of the lesions and traumas related to death (over 75,000 photographs were taken last year), which serve as the basis for the determination of time and cause of death.

All the bodies that enter the morgue are opened up. The procedure begins with the skull and the removal of the brain matter, then the neck is opened in order to search for lesions of the trachea, esophagus and the main arteries, and the thorax is opened in order to inspect the heart, inner organs, veins and nerves. Inside the abdomen the investigation starts with the liver, gall bladder, the kidneys, bladder, pancreas, and the veins. The stomach and intestines are inspected last, since they contain gastric or intestinal waste that could contaminate the other organs.

Samples of blood, urine and skin tissue are also taken for toxic and pathological studies. Most of the sophisticated machines in the pathology laboratory are used to detect the presence of controlled substances, such as marijuana, cocaine, opium, amphetamines, etc. (The presence of marijuana is very easy to detect as it accumulates in the fatty tissue and can remain in a body for weeks.). In almost all violent deaths, the presence of drugs or alcohol is detected in the bloodstream.

Apart from these tests used to determine time and cause of death, there are also experiments being conducted in the morgue. Underneath a magnetic field apparatus is a small cage with rats inside. The rats are fed different controlled substances along with their regular diet for a period of time and are then sacrificed. The dead bodies of the rats are left to rot, at which time flies inevitably come and deposit their eggs within the corpses. After the larva feeds from the dead rat, these worms are collected and analyzed to see if there are traces of the controlled substances the rats had consumed. This experiment will determine whether corpses that are brought in to the morgue in a state of advanced decomposition (there is a special room that receives these corpses) can be analyzed through the chemical composition of their worms inside.

Once the autopsy has been performed, the inner organs are returned to their place of origin, all except for the brain. As the brain has a tendency to melt, it is placed inside the abdomen with the rest of the viscera, which is then sewn up, thus transforming the corpse into its own body bag.

Usually, the bodies are handed over to their families within twenty-four hours. Jane and John Does often stay in the morgue up to two weeks. If no one claims them, they are sent to the universities. If the corpse is unfit for study, they are sent to a common grave in a local cemetery.

Out of 1,000 corpses that arrive at the city morgue, 100 need additional studies to determine the cause of death, and for five of these the cause of death is never determined. This is the case of a 33 year-old woman who was found hung by a sheet around her neck in an insane asylum. The autopsy revealed 16 stab-like perforations of her liver, eight in the lungs and 15 in her diaphragm, although the skin was unbroken and there were no lesions on the outside of her body. She was declared dead from asphyxiation, but the cause of the perforations was never discovered.

The morgue has had its share of tragic cases. Heading home after the morgue’s Christmas party, a man who worked there was run over by a car a few blocks away. He was brought back to the morgue, just minutes after celebrating with his co-workers, just hours after working there, but this time he came through the rear entrance.

In its 40 years of existence within this building, the Mexico City morgue has had to confront some of the country’s biggest tragedies: the student massacre of 1968; a subway accident at the end of the 70s; a Western Airlines plane crash (piles of corpses were laid out in the hallways and only photographs and fingerprints were taken before the bodies were burnt); the ’85 earthquake (there were so many bodies that a nearby baseball field was used as an extension of the morgue); narco-satanic murders in ’89; and a fire that consumed a discotheque at the beginning of this millennium.

In the ’85 earthquake in Mexico City, several government buildings surrounding the city morgue collapsed. The morgue building held up, although it was left teetering to one side, officially recognized as being at risk of falling in the case of another, even much milder, earthquake. A new morgue building, designed with cheery colors (mostly orange) and several post-modern details in the style of a mall or convention center, is scheduled to be built in 2006. Buildings, like people, are also mortal, and all must perish sooner or later, violently or otherwise. With the demolition of this old, squat, somewhat spooky building, one of the last victims of the ’85 earthquake, death will never be the same in Mexico City.


SPEED BUMPS

[published in the London Guardian Weekly in 2007]

In Mexico City, cars rule. Speed limits are neither obeyed nor strictly enforced, red lights and stop signs are mere suggestions, and one-way streets exist only in theory. Recommended car-lengths between cars are measured in inches, while (rarely used) turn signals seem to inspire others drivers to block your intention. Drivers’ licenses are handed out without any actual driving or vision tests, yet even so, most people driving in México City lack a valid license. Weekend nights, most drivers drive under the influence of alcohol (many of the younger drivers are returning from ‘all you can drink’ bars), and the random alcohol police checkpoints instituted a year or two ago have disappeared (even during the operation, drinkers were given a free pass on all holidays).

It’s not that they are bad drivers, but once people step into a car in Mexico City they immediately enter into the battle of everyone for themselves and God against all. Cars, buses, taxis and trucks all jockey for position, intent upon making everyone else suck their exhaust fumes and establishing themselves as the king of the road. The only thing that dares to interfere with their freedom to speed ahead, the only thing that unites all the different vehicles on the road, is their common enemy, the pedestrian.

The idea of slowing down (let alone stopping) at a crosswalk to see if anyone is waiting to get to the other side is a foreign concept in Mexico City. It’s not that drivers hate pedestrians (some of their best friends walk on the streets at times), but that they just don’t consider them on the same evolutionary level. Pedestrians are meant to respect cars like small mammals had to respect dinosaurs (perhaps dinosaurs also got a thrill from making smaller creatures scramble to safety to avoid being squashed).

The failure to recognize the existence and rights of pedestrians takes its toll on the local population. Traffic accidents in Mexico City represent the number one cause of non-natural death, though the ones who take the biggest hit are the pedestrians. Each day, two pedestrians are killed by motorized vehicles (mostly between three and six in the afternoon), and they are also the main cause of handicapped and physically challenged people within the city.

In these traffic wars, however, pedestrians are not totally defenseless. Pedestrians in Mexico City have on their side el tope (the speed bump). In theory, speed bumps, whether they are concrete humps, metal lumps or cautionary ribbed-concrete vibrators, are designed to slow cars down and give people a chance to cross the street. Speed bumps do a lot of things in Mexico City, but helping pedestrians safely get to the other side really isn’t one of them.

Drivers see speed bumps as an impediment to their liberty and the pursuit of happiness (getting out of the horrible city traffic as quickly as possible makes people happy), and thus they tend to brake at the last second, bump up and over as fast as they can (risking their muffler and suspension), and then floor the accelerator, making up for time lost. Many people don’t even see the speed bump (most but not all have yellow stripes) until it’s too late to brake.

There are around 18 thousand speed bumps in Mexico City (there are two on my street), most built by the City government, often using forced labor of prison inmates. There are thousands of other speed bumps, though, that were constructed by nervous neighbors to protect their children and dogs and discourage cars from racing down their street. There are also speed bumps that, like the tiny crosses sunk in the sidewalks around the city to commemorate loved ones lost in traffic accidents, seek to prevent future tragic deaths. Most speed bumps are set up at dangerous crosswalks or in front of schools and hospitals, but others tend to pop up in strange places, such as inside tunnels or beneath pedestrian crosswalks. While the official speed bumps are of a standard height, the unofficial ones can be vindictively high and steep. Although it is illegal to disrupt traffic in any way, especially in a permanent way, thousands of illegal speed bumps remain on the streets.

Cars drive an average of 10 kilometers a day in Mexico City, passing over a speed bump approximately once every kilometer. Speed bumps that slow down vehicles, often on wide avenues designed for high-speed traffic, lead to even greater traffic problems in a city that is plagued by traffic (as the joke goes, the highway that rings the city becomes the world’s largest parking lot during rush hour).

México City has one of the highest concentrations of cars in the world (more than double that of Los Angeles), and it also has the slowest average speed of circulation of all major cities (the average speed in Mexico City is around 22 kilometers per hour, less than half of that of Los Angeles). Speed bumps tend to interfere with people’s desire for speed, and thus to frustrate and aggravate both the traffic problems and the mental state of the drivers. As those with money tend to buy expensive, powerful vehicles to help liberate themselves from urban problems like traffic, the difference between their vehicle’s potential velocity and the actual rate of traffic movement leads to road rage and class hatred (old, poorly tuned cars are still the majority on the roads).

Due to the effects of the thousands of topes located throughout the city, over one hundred thousand extra liters of gas are consumed each day in Mexico City, generating an addition cost of around 25 million dollars each year. Burning all that extra gas leads to 24 times more carbon monoxide and dioxide emissions. México City has one of the highest levels of toxic emissions in the world (almost seven times that of Los Angeles), principally due to the exhausts of private cars. The pollutants belched out each day by vehicle exhausts, representing around 80% of the city’s air pollution, lead to widespread respiratory diseases and more than 4 thousand premature deaths each year, mainly among children and senior citizens.

In most cultures, speed is equivalent to modernity and social progress. The speed bump, which represents a social backlash against unbridled speed and its fatal consequences, also takes its tolls on the population of the city. In any case, despite whether it’s part of the problem or part of the solution, el tope has become an essential urban icon in the daily bump-and-grind of driving in Mexico City.

SCRAPING THE SKY IN MEXICO CITY

[published in the London Guardian Weekly in 2008]

Two towers will be built over the next couple of years that will compete for the honor of being called the tallest building in Mexico (and Latin America). The two are completely independent though both will be built in Mexico City and both are named Torre Biencentario, in honor of the two hundred year celebration of the Independence of Mexico from Spain. Although these towers come nowhere close to US and Asian supertall skyscrapers, weighing in under 300 meters (70 floors), they will be much more imposing upon the surrounding urban landscape.

One of the towers, an elongated, skinny pyramid, if authorized by the local government will be part of a package deal that includes a new line of the Metro, and an elevated highway and bridges to join the building to many of the city’s major avenues and other corporate areas. The other tower, still in search for a home after the original site was vetoed due to opposition from neighbors, is a project of global architectural superstar Rem Koolhaas. With barely-hidden European macho posturing, Koolhaas claims that erecting his giant construction will help Mexico compensate for its “skyscraper deficit.” (If height is as important as Koolhaas claims, then the case can be made that Mexican skyscrapers stretch higher up into the earth’s atmosphere than almost any other building in the world, for they are built up from a mile-high city.) Although perhaps virility is not what this skyscraper is all about (which would make it the odd tower out), as the elongated cube with a bulge in the lower midsection looks more like a middle-aged beer belly than a firm phallus.

According to Koolhass, though, the shape is the result of a “stacking” of two Mexican pyramids. The nods both these skyscrapers make to indigenous constructions, however, far from reflecting any sensitivity to local culture or having anything to do with the celebration of Independence, are merely the cynical “site-specific” packaging of buildings that will serve as headquarters for global corporations desirous of extracting profits from Mexico.

Historians tend to cite late 19th century buildings in New York City but, in fact, the first American skyscrapers were the pyramids built in Mexico City. Although these pyramids were flat-topped, inspired by the volcanic mountains that surround Mexico City, they were still tall enough to have completely dominated the city’s skyscape within the valley and served as the center of all major pre-Hispanic civilizations. The pyramids were the greatest cultural achievement of the pre-Hispanic civilizations, but they also led to the enslavement and death of thousands of people and led to the massive destruction of the environment. A large percentage of the male population of the city and surrounding villages were forced to help build the pyramids, and thus had to abandon their crops. The massive deforestation carried out to make room for the pyramids, as well as to provide wood for fires used to mix the building materials, chased off animals from their natural habitat and led to the further depletion of the city’s own food sources. This, in turn, led to an increased dependency on forced ‘tributes’ from surrounding colonized cities, which increased social unrest and eventually led to the wars and invasions that toppled these civilizations, erasing all but their pyramids from the face of the earth.

The Spanish Conquistadores who first arrived in Mexico City were mightily impressed by the dozens of pyramids that towered over the imperial Aztec city. This, however, didn’t keep them, and the tribes that had been conquered by the Aztecs and often offered up as human sacrifices on these very pyramids, from destroying them. The Spanish built their capitol city upon the ruins of the great Aztec empire, and to add insult to injury they constructed their main cathedral right on top of the Aztec’s Templo Mayor with stones stolen from that pyramid.

Unlike most major cities around the world, for a long time Mexico City did not feel compelled to enter the space race, a competition in which every new construction muscles the previous one out of the record books. In part, this was a result of a fear of falling, the unstable lakebed of the city and its location along a fault line keeping most architects from tempting to pit their engineering prowess against the earth itself. When, in 1985, Mexico City was rocked by the worst earthquake in the country’s recorded history and thousands of buildings collapsed, the Torre Latinoamericano, the city’s tallest building at that time, survived in one of the hardest hit neighborhoods, proving that the skyscrapers that tempted the wrath of the gods could resist the worst these could throw at them.

For years after this, though, Mexico City still continued to grow out and not up. A sea of concrete spread out across the valley, with only a fistful of metal and glass structures daring to rise above the rest, and most of these huddling together in new corporate cities on the outskirts of town. This timidity, however, is quickly fading, with five of the ten tallest buildings (three of them to set new records) slotted to be built in the next five years.

Skyscrapers represent the future. Due to lack of land on which to build, most major cities have no choice but to reach for the skies, and skyscrapers set the standards for the city skyline of tomorrow. They also raise the level of urban problems that threaten the city’s future. Overcrowding, traffic nightmares, dangerously high pollution levels, and a severe lack of water and energy all accompany the advances of modernity, especially within underdeveloped countries, with skyscrapers especially exacerbating urban problems. The professionals who work in the buildings are not the ones who take the brunt of the suffering. Rather, it’s the lower-class inhabitants of the city, those who don’t own powerful utility vehicles to help them escape to elegant suburban compounds on elevated highways subsidized by the local government, that get short end of the stick.

Over the last few decades, an increasingly elevated urban architectural skyline began to truncate visibility within the major cities around the world, but in Mexico City it was not skyscrapers but rather increasingly high levels air pollution that curtailed sightlines everywhere throughout the city. The same modernity that created the Mexican skyscraper as its shining symbol is also responsible for the proliferation of motorized vehicles and heavy industry that pumped the city air full of toxic particles and smothered the skyscraper’s greatest achievement, unlimited visibility, beneath a blanket of gray of muck.

Skyscrapers’ high profiles convert them into easy and symbolic targets for all those who suffer the collateral damage of global capitalism. The Torre Mayor, Mexico City’s newest skyscraper and currently the tallest in Latin America, has brought terrorist activities to the heart of the city, a recent car bomb threat forcing the entire building to be evacuated several days in a row. As buildings rise ever higher, especially when they are touted as monuments of the wars of independence from foreign empires, the threat level can only go up.

Rather than celebrating the independence of Mexico from colonial powers, these skyscrapers attest to the continued dependency of the Mexican economy on foreign capital, with the majority of their financial backing still coming from Europe. Like the construction of the great Mexican pyramids in the imperial Aztec cities, even the ‘eco-friendly’ skyscrapers designed by globally-conscious architects still represent an extremely heavy burden on the city’s natural resources and a great sacrifice for the local inhabitants.


MEXICAN ARMY'S NARCO MUSEUM

[published in the London Guardian Weekly in 2008]

Over the last few months, the Mexican army, called in by President Calderon to launch a full-frontal assault against narco traffickers operating throughout the country, has decommissioned record shipments of cocaine and has uncovered huge extensions of marijuana and opium fields. Besides the drugs themselves, rifles, pick-up trucks and some personal items were also confiscated. While, in theory, most of the drugs are destroyed, the other objects are kept as evidence. Some of these objects, especially the most extravagant and unique pieces, might well wind up in a very special museum that you will never visit.

Stashed away on the seventh floor of a fortified concrete bunker inside a sprawling military compound in Mexico City, off-limits to all but military personnel and high-ranking police officers, the Museo de Enervantes (enervante encompasses both stimulants and narcotics) is a well-guarded treasure. A unique concept when it was founded in 1985, it is no longer the only drug museum on the planet. In 2000, the DEA (Drug Enforcement Administration) opened a drug museum inside its offices in Washington, D.C., since 2002 Myanmar has its Drug Elimination Museum, and China only just recently opened the doors to its Anti-Drug Museum. Unlike their Mexican counterpart, however, these museums are all designed for a general audience, a fact that fundamentally influences their curatorial approach to drugs and drug culture.

On a wall at the entrance to the Mexican Drug Museum, above some (perfectly legal) potted plants, is a dedication to all the soldiers who have “offered their lives in the line of duty” in Mexico’s war on drugs, an honor roll designed to inspire all those who enter. The plaque lists the name and rank of each of the more than 500 soldiers who have sacrificed their lives combating traffickers of controlled chemicals over the last three decades, and every time another soldier is killed in action a new plaque is hung on the wall.

Although the museum is presented as a showcase of the military’s achievements in its war against drugs, it also faithfully documents the wide varieties of psychoactive substances that have existed in the country for thousands of years. In Mexico, indigenous priests and shamans utilized in their religious practices various hallucinogens and stimulants, including plants, weeds, flowers, cacti, mushrooms, tree bark and even toads. Recreational use of these substances was restricted for royalty only (Moctezuma was famous for his magic mushroom orgies), and unauthorized use was severely punished. On display in glass cases is a selection of pre-Hispanic drug paraphernalia, including a pipe (used with tobacco), a hollowed-headed figurine in which peyote buttons were stored, and a knife used in religious rituals to remove still-beating hearts from sacrificial victims (both priests and the victims were usually tripping their brains out from a mix of hallucinogens and an agave alcohol called pulque).

Once the Spanish had decimated the local population, destroyed their temples and pyramids and burnt all their books, they made a point of outlawing the consumption of all ‘drugs’ associated with pagan religious practices. The indigenous people who continued to supply the shamans and other religious practitioners with traditional psychoactive substances after the Conquest thus became the first narco traffickers in the Americas.

Oddly enough, marijuana was first brought to Mexico by the first Spanish conquistadores. The Spaniards used the cannabis plant not for its psychoactive properties (banned by the Catholic Church) but rather as rope and in textiles. In Mexico, as in much of the world, opium was not only legal but was actually considered a beneficial medicine. In fact, during WWII, the US actually helped Mexico produce opium to supply it with the morphine needed to treat its wounded soldiers in Vietnam. When the war was over, the joint US/Mexican Operation Condor eradicated much of the opium plants in Mexico using Agent Orange left over from the Vietnam War. Soon after, the Mexican government used its war against opium trafficking to violently expel much of the Chinese population from the country, at which time local entrepreneurs gladly stepped in to maintain the supply of opium to the US, thus giving birth to the first Mexican drug cartels (these sordid chapters in the war against drugs, along with several other embarrassing moments, are absent from the museum).

During the last few decades, Mexico has become the largest exporter to the United States of marijuana, heroin and (most recently) methamphetamines, as well as the main point of entry for Colombian cocaine. The United States sees its southern neighbor as the source of much of the problems that drugs are wreaking among its people, and US presidents and ambassadors have historically complained that Mexico is not doing its part to crackdown on narco traffickers. Seen from the other side of the border, it is the loud toking and snorting sounds coming from the United States, the largest consumer of illegal substances in the world, that is responsible for the drug trafficking that is causing so much hyper-violence within Mexico these days.

Drug trafficking in Mexico is a multi-million dollar industry, yet narcos still use rustic, hand-made equipment for the cultivation of plants and the drugs’ extraction, such as homemade wooden knives to scrape the poppy bulbs, empty battery casings to receive the sap, and improvised water sprinklers made from scrap metal. In one life-size installation in the museum, a peasant sits calmly, a rifle on his lap, a cigarette in his hand, a hat pulled down over his eyes, some simple food cooking on a rustic stove, giving the appearance of a typical campesino working in the fields. Upon closer inspection, however, the accoutrements of criminal activity become visible: the presence of a shortwave radio, a wolf trap, a board containing long rusty nails covered in human excrement (to infect the wound inflicted on unwary soldiers), and low-lying cables strung above the poppy and marijuana fields (stretching off into the painted horizon) designed to bring down prying helicopters.

Narcos tend to rely more on ingenuity than high-tech, costly means to get their products across the border. As the photographs and objects in the exhibition bear witness, drugs can be concealed in almost anything, including dictionaries, concrete bricks, canned goods, quesadillas, tacos and donuts, dolls, a stuffed armadillo, a hot water heater, a surfboard, truck wheels, a shirt decorated with cartoon stickers soaked in LSD, inside a framed painting of the Virgin of Guadalupe, and even inside women’s bodies (one photograph shows the gaping wounds in one woman’s buttocks in which two large bags of cocaine were concealed). To illustrate the military’s strategy, detailed dioramas of dramatic operations display tiny action figures attacking narcos in poppy and marijuana fields, spraying fields with pesticide (represented by thin strips of plastic streaming down from a helicopter), or intercepting a large tractor-trailer transporting drugs.

The drug traffickers who have amassed enormous fortunes are never mentioned in Forbes’ list of the world’s wealthiest people, nor do their faces ever grace the social pages of glossy magazines. In an effort to help military and law enforcement agents understand and better identify their enemies, the exhibition includes a whole section with artifacts and objects of narco culture decommissioned during raids on their homes and workplaces. This section includes Cds of narco corridas that narrate the exploits of local drug lords. Due to their high profile, these singers and musicians, whose musical production is often underwritten by the narcos they sing about, have recently become the preferred target of vengeance of rival cartels. There are also several exhibits of flashy narco fashion, including one full-sized narco dressed in a shirt designed with a colorful cockfight, a belt buckle emblazoned with a cannabis leaf, and a bulletproof leather jacket (the fashion-world mannequins used to portray the narcos made them look like model citizens). Bling accessories, such as a diamond-studded, gold-plated cell phones and pistols, and a thick link gold chain in the shape of a skull, are the prized possession of the museum collection. Photographs of customized vehicles, including an armor-plated pick-up truck that fires smoke, tear gas, oil and tacks, reveal the wonders that narco money can buy. A real wooden door carved with the portrait of a narco, rifle in hand and marijuana leaves all around him, opens up to reveal a wall painting of a ranch house’s Greek columns, glitzy chandeliers and bubbling fountain. Mexican outlaws tend to be very religious, though not always in Church-approved ways, as can be seen by the recreation of an altar to Jesus Malverde, the “generous bandit” who was hung by a wealthy landowner at the end of the 19th century and has recently become the favorite narco saint. These installations are surprisingly similar to ones in the Anthropology Museum designed to illustrate the lifestyle of indigenous people, thus revealing how the curators see narcos as a legitimate, though marginal, social group with particular cultural characteristics worthy of study.

In order to keep the military and police officers that visit the museum abreast of the latest trends in consumer drug culture, the last part of the exhibition is dedicated to drug paraphernalia. Among all the pipes, rolling paper, and marijuana and LSD memorabilia is a copy of Antonio Escohotado’s encyclopedic Historia General de las Drogas (A General History of Drugs). Despite the book’s groovy psychedelic cover, it is, in fact, a well-documented indictment of drug wars throughout history, from ancient sacrifices of scapegoats and medieval witch hunts through the Spanish Inquisition and US Prohibition, and up to contemporary US drug hysteria. The book illustrates how socially-accepted psychoactive substances used for religious and medicinal purposes become persecuted as a pretext to debase traditional beliefs and cultures, monopolize the sale of substances, and justify governmental wars against it own citizens, an argument which tends to undermine the museum’s glorification of Mexico’s own war against drugs.

Despite its contradictions and lack of self-criticism, by respectfully documenting a millennial tradition of drug use, as well as paying homage to a unique outlaw culture, the Mexican Drug Museum documents a colorful, complex social phenomenon that permeates everything from nerve endings to the production and marketing techniques of global capitalism’s rogue players.


MEXORCISM

[published in the London Guardian Weekly in 2007]

Although Mexico is predominantly Catholic, their Church has been facing some stiff competition recently. In part due to the pressing economic problems most people in Mexico are experiencing these days, the Church’s offering of eternal salvation has been losing ground to other religions and practices that offer help with daily problems of existence.

The Catholic Church attempted to ensure their monopoly on religion and spiritual matters when they established their bloody Inquisition in Mexico just one year after the Conquest of Tenochtitlán/Mexico City. From that time one, the great majority of Mayan and Aztec writings were burned, most of their temples and images of gods were destroyed, and indigenous spiritual practices were prohibited and punished. In general, though, the Inquisition was relatively lenient with indigenous people, while treating harshly the thousands of African slaves (especially the Moslems) brought to Mexico, many of whom were sentenced to torture or death for such crimes as denying Christianity and witchcraft. Most of the African slaves in Mexico publicly accepted Catholicism, but in private continued to worship their orishas disguised as Catholic saints (Spanish slave masters invented the term Santeria, or "Way of the Saints," a derogatory way of describing the exaggerated attention Africans paid to saints). Due to the almost three hundred years of slave trade in Mexico, as well as Mexico’s close cultural ties to Cuba, African-based culture and religious practices have deeply influenced local religious and spiritual practices.

The Church’s persecution of pre-Hispanic curative and spiritual practices and Santeria was continued with the emergence of Mexico’s medical institutions (the Medical School was located in the same building that had housed the Inquisition), and the exclusion of all native religious and spiritual practices was ensured up until the 19th century by requiring all doctors to prove that their Spanish heritage was free of any and all mixed blood. Yet even today, most Mexicans get sick and cure themselves at times in ways that the medical establishment doesn’t recognize or approve. People (especially women) in Mexico often complain about ‘frights,’ ‘evil airs,’ ‘evil eyes,’ and ‘nerves,’ which the medical world tends to view as only psychosomatic symptoms, and for which they have no cure.

To treat these and other problems, people often seek help from curanderos and santeros whose treatment often include the use of limpias, a ritual practice in which evil spirits caused by envy, jealousy, or rage are driven from a person’s body. In addition, help and advice for marital, amorous, economic and tax problems, all of which directly affect people’s mental and spiritual health, is increasingly sought from La Santa Muerte, the ‘outlaw’ saint with close ties to Aztec gods and rituals that is robbing the Catholic Church of a sizable part of its constituency, especially among the poor and criminal element.

Perhaps the biggest competition to the Catholic Church these days, though, is the Pare de Sufrir (Stop Suffering) movement of Protestant evangelists from Brazil who have been converting giant old movie theaters in Mexico City into temples where they hold mass ‘rallies,’ and who also reach out to sufferers through their late night television program. These Brazilian ministers are tireless, fast-talking men with thick Brazilian accents, shiny dark suits and slicked back hair, who tag-team sermonize for hours, selling ‘miracle cures’ for a small fee.

To counter the attraction of these other spiritual practices which offer personalized attention and dramatic cures, the Catholic Church in Mexico has had recourse to one of its most controversial practices, namely, exorcism.

According to Father Mendoza, one of the eight exorcists authorized by the Vatican to operate within Mexico City, over the past few years there has been an outbreak of ‘diabolical possessions’ in Mexico. Father Mendoza, a short, balding, corpulent man, looks like he just stepped out of a medieval monastery, and his discourse about all the enemies of God and the Church seems to harken back to the time of the Spanish Inquisition in the New World. Mendoza believes there are more diabolical possessions these days than ever before in the history of man, due in large part to the rise in the last decades of hippies, rock and roll, drugs, satanic symbols and cults, New Age, and Protestantism. According to Father Mendoza, the majority of people who ask for help from the Church’s exorcists are people who have ‘opened the door to the Devil” by using Ouija boards, or those who have dabbled in Santeria, witchcraft, shamanism, Tarot readings or limpias.

Each week, up to 40 people who believe they are possessed seek Father Mendoza’s services. Mendoza states that he sends these people to be screened by psychologists, psychiatrists and medical doctors, and in the end around one in four are deemed to be suffering from the influence of the devil. Possessed people can be recognized by their aggressiveness and by a hatred of all sacred Catholic symbols. Exorcism helps drive out this hatred, and thus, the devil, from the body of the person.

Father Mendoza holds his exorcism sessions, which can last up to five hours, every Friday at noon in a church on the outskirts of Mexico City. During these marathon sessions, the devil is ‘asked’ to leave the body of the person in the name of the Father, the Son and the Holy Spirit, and through the power of the saints. People are asked to bring salt, water, oil, and candles to clean the objects related to their possession, such as fetishes, images or amulets from their houses and workplace.

Mendoza calls these sessions minor exorcisms, to be distinguished from the diabolical possessions where the person speaks foreign tongues, has the strength of several men, and has the ability to predict things that are happening far away (a phenomenon he has never witnessed). In minor possessions there are no spectacular scenes of heads spinning around or projectile green vomit, as portrayed in The Exorcist, a film which Mendoza believes gives a bad view of the practice and even ‘opens doors’ for the devil.

According to one of the official exorcists in Rome, exorcists are treated badly within the Church, often seen as crazy or fanatics. In Mexico, however, exorcists are well regarded, as they represent a healthy source of revenue for the church (contributions are suggested for these sessions), and they help compete with the other religious and pagan practices that also offer services of liberating people from evil spirits and possessions. Exorcism is not only the Church’s most effective weapon to expel evil spirits from it followers, it is also an attempt to expel foreign influences from the spirits and minds of Mexicans.